Learn to like – Implementation Intention & Affect
1. Short Summary of the research proposal
This study investigates the role of affect in consciously created automatic behaviour tendencies (implementation intentions). The general hypothesis is that the frequency of a behaviour is closely connected to the activation of a specific behaviour tendency, but this model often fails when implementation intentions are used to change or override old habits. This may be due to the affective dimension, which is contained within the cognitive structure of the habit memory, but not in the implementation intention. By adding the affective domain to implementation intentions it might be possible to mimic “natural habits” much more efficiently.
2. Description of the proposed research
2a. Research Topic
Implementation intention refers to cognitive (if-then-)constructs that mimic the way of automatic behaviour (habits). A habit is formed by repeatedly experiencing the co-activation of a stimulus in the environment and a specific behaviour tendency. Intention implementations are formed by repeated cognitive effort instead of experience. In order to change behaviour, for example in order to override a bad habit, specific behaviour tendencies (the then-part) must be made salient at the right moment, which is achieved by associating the behaviour tendency to a relevant stimulus in the environment (the if-part of the statement). As the (if-)stimulus is perceived, the behaviour tendency is activated and eventually acted upon automatically. In fact implementation intentions are an attempt to mimic the effect of automatic behaviour, which could also be called habits. The process of habit formation is therefore of central value to this research. For goal enactment to become automated, a specific behaviour must be executed in a specific environment, leading to a specific goal. If these things occur in close temporal proximity the goal-means connection in memory grows stronger. In consequence priming the goal automatically activates the behaviour tendency. For example habitual bike riders were faster to respond to “bicycle” after being primed with the goal of travelling somewhere (Aarts & Dijksterhuis, 2000). Recently Sheeran et al. (2005) have shown that this fact is also true for health related behaviour. For example the concept of drinking is more active in heavy drinkers when primed with the goal of socialising.
Thus for automatic behaviour to occur, the spreading of the activation must have been prepared. If goals can be non-consciously activated than these goals must pre-exist in the mind of the actor. The pre-existing knowledge structure connected to these goals is thought to incorporate the goal itself, as well as the context and opportunities and actions that lead to goal fulfilment (Aarts & Dijksterhuis, 2000). But if goals can be activated automatically, how do people know which goals are desirable to attain and which states are worth working for? Ruud Custers and Henk Aarts (2005) have pointed out that mental accessibility is not enough for a goal to be acted upon. The idea of embodied embedded cognition proposes that information about a specific behaviour provided by the nervous system includes affective information. The information about a specific state not only includes information about the means necessary to attain it and important environmental cues, but also the information that this state is desired. This idea is supported by Aarts, Gollwitzer and Hassin (2004) who showed that the effect on effort were stronger if the goal state was more desired. There also needs to be a reason to come into action, which can be seen as a discrepancy between the actual state and the goal state. Furthermore the goal state must be associated with positive affect. Automatic goal-directed behaviour can arise only if all those three prerequisites are met (Custers & Aarts, 2005).
Priming has been investigated in many studies and has proven to be a very reliable effect. Much less research has been conducted into the other two factors, discrepancy with the actual state and association with positive affect. These two factors are much harder to study than priming effects, as people set their goals not based on objective value, but on their subjective interpretation of the variables involved (Kahneman & Tversky, 1979). But in order to change behaviour effectively we will have to fully understand the way automatic behaviour tendencies are naturally created.
I believe that processes that do only rely on association (as intention implementations do) are no match for the “real habits” that are enriched with affective information that tell the organism to follow through with that behaviour plan. In order to change behaviour effectively we will need to create habit-like structures that have a fair chance of competing with the automatic behaviours already in place. This might be especially important for addiction in which the situational stimulus, as well as the goal state are closely connected to physiological states that are regulated by the dopamine pathways of the mesolimbic system. Thus it is questionable if the strategy used by Holland, Aarts and Langedam (2006) to change recycling behaviour would be effective if it was used to change a behaviour that was strongly associated with positive affect. In this study I hope to show that affect is an important building material for the formation of habits and that it will interact with and enhance the effect of cognitive association training, such as implementation intentions.
Aarts, Custers and Holland (2007) showed that our mental apparatus is capable of ceasing goal directed activity when the goal is associated with negative affect. However this effect probably does not last for a long time and it is questionable if the priming paradigms used today have the power to compete with automatic behaviour tendencies strongly associated with positive affect, as they are found in addictions. The main question of this study is if affective information can be included into the implementation intentions. I hypothesize that affective priming just before engaging in forming intention implementations will include the affective information in the habit-like-memory of the intention implementations. When the if-stimulus of the intention implementations is perceived, the affective information will be activated together with the behaviour plan and in turn enable intention implementations to compete with the old habit.
2b. Methodological Approach (research methods, procedures, instruments, data collection)
Experiment 1. Affective priming and implementation intentions
Experiment 1 is designed to test the hypothesis concerning the influence of affective priming on implementation intentions. It is hypothesized that positive affective priming will affect implementation intentions. More specifically the affective priming is expected to enhance the effect of implementation intentions for participants with a weak prior habit, but not for participants with a strong habit already in place.
Method: Following the paradigm of Aarts en Dijksterhuis (2000), only university students who live in Nijmegen and own a bike are recruited. Each participant is randomly assigned to one of the conditions.
In a pilot study, locations for which a bike (bus, train, walking) would be a useful means of transportation are obtained. The five locations that have been indicated by a high percentage of participants to be suited for going to by bike are selected. Subsequently the most frequently mentioned reason to travel to this location is chosen. These reasons to travel constitute the description of the travel goals that are supplied to the participants during the experiment. In addition another five locations are chosen that have been judged to not be suitable for bike travel. This is repeated for all travel modes, so 40 travel mode-location pairs are created. Only the five pairs that consist of a biking-location and in which biking is the travel mode are selected as targets. The other 35 pairs are used as filler trials.
The experiment is run by a computer, which also provides all instructions. The students are told that the study consists of several experiments, designed by different experimenters and that one of the tasks will be to bike to one of the five (biking-congruent) travel goals, as part of an experiment that studies the influence of planning on behaviour. It is import to note that only the goal and the travel mode (biking) is primed, not the actual location. Participants then learn that the travel goal they will need to attain will be revealed in the last part of the experiment.
Then they are asked to complete an alleged reaction time experiment in which they have to zoom in or out pictures of transportation modes (bike, bus, train, walking), depending on the orientation of the picture, by the use of a joystick (pull or push). The approach-avoidance test (AAT) is usually used to measure implicit affective attitude, but it has been suggested, that it can also be used to change affective valence. Each participant completes two trials of 80 pictures (20 for each transportation mode). In the pull-bike condition participants have to pull 90% of the bike pictures and 50% of the images depicting other transportation modes. In the control condition images of each transportation mode must be pulled 50% of the time.
Each participant then engages in the planning task, in which they plan the five travel goals. They are asked to indicate the time of the day, the location of the district of the destination and the travel route suitable for the travel goal. Next, participants complete an association task in which they are presented with an images of 40 different locations (200 ms), that are followed by a row of asterisks (100 ms) and an image depicting a mode of transportation. Participants have to indicate as fast as possible if the depicted transportation mode is a suitable option for going to the depicted location. The dependent measurement is the mean response latency time across the five target location-bicycle pairs.
In the last task participants are presented with 10 different travel locations, which consist of the 5 target locations and 5 nearby locations. The are asked to indicate how often they used the bike to reach any of these location during the last 2 weeks. The median of the frequency is used to separate those participants that already have a habit of biking to the target locations from those that do not (or to a smaller extend). In later experiments it could be advisable to measure the habit-strength in advance and only admit those participants to the experiment that do not already have a habit formed.
It is expected that participants of the pull-bike condition react faster to the target location-bicycle pairs than participants of the control condition, but only if they did not have strong habits already.
Experiment 2. The duration of affective enhanced implementation intentions
Due to the close temporal proximity of the bike-AAT and the association task, the effect of the affective prime might be quite small. It is usually presumed that information that contains affective information is better retained by the memory. This makes sense because emotion was (and probably still is) the number one orientation for behaviour in humans. I would expect that the habit-like memory structure of the implementation intention is subject to the same effect. Therefore it would be interesting to have a repeated measure of the dependent variable.
Method: Experiment 2 uses the same procedures and materials as experiment 1 with the exception that the association task is not followed by the habit-strength measurement, but a filler task and a second association task are added into the experimental design. There could also be multiple association tasks. This could easily be realised if the filler tasks would be unrelated different “real” experiments.
I hypothesize that the difference in reaction time between the “normal” implementation intentions and the “affective enhanced” implementation intentions (for low-habit participants) will grow over time. The working mechanism of affect in habit might (simply) be a memory effect.
Experiment 3. Breaking the habit: Negative affect and implementation intentions
Förster, Liberman and Friedman (2007) proposed that a goal pursuit system is capable of structuring and restructuring the associative network in line with the actor’s goals and the situational affordances. By introducing a third condition (bike-push-condition) during the AAT, the effect of negative affect on implementation intentions can be studied.
Method: Experiment 3 uses the same paradigm as experiment 1 (experiment 2 can also be incorporated without problems), with the exception of the extra condition. Participants in the push-bike condition have to push 90% pf the bike pictures away from themselves. The images of the other modes of transportation receive an equal 50% push/pulling rate. I hypothesize that participants in the push-bike condition will show slower reaction times on the association task if they did not have the habit in advance. It would be remarkable if negative affect would also have an effect on reaction times on participants who already have a strong habit link. Yet the effect might be enhanced by multiple training session with the AAT.
2c. Societal Relevance
The relevance of this study can be explained best by the words of the famous William James:
“Ninety-nine hundredths or, possibly, nine hundred and ninety-nine thousandths of our activity is purely automatic and habitual, from our rising in the morning to our lying down each night.”.
Only in the last few years has behavioural sciences acknowledged that human behaviour is shaped by automatic tendencies in many and complex ways. However these automatic behaviour tendencies do not always elicit the behaviour we (consciously) want, but can lead to many problems and illnesses. Most problems western society faces today, such as drug abuse or eating disorders, can be explained in terms of addiction, which is just a name for a dysfunctional habit that displays certain properties. Being able to change these dysfunctional habits would benefit not only severe cases, but virtually everyone who wants to get rid of an annoying habit.
2d. Literature references
Aarts, H., Custers, R., Holland, R.W. (2007). The nonconscious cessation of goal pursuit: when goals and negative affect are coactivated. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 92, 165-178.
Aarts, H., Dijksterhuis, A., (2000). Habit as Knowledge Structures: Automaticity in Goal-Directed Behaviour. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 78, 53-63.
Aarts, H., Gollwitzer, P. M., & Hassin, R. R. (2004). Goal contagion: Percieving is for pursuing. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 92, 631-642.
Cuusters, R., Aarts, H., (2005). Positive Affect as Implicit Motivator: On the Nonconscious Operation of Behavioral Goals. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 89, 129-142.
Förster, J., Liberman, N., Friedman, R. S. (2007). Seven Principles of Goal Activation: A Systematic Approach to Distinguishing Goal Priming From Priming of Non-Goal Constructs. Personality and Social Psychology Review, 11, 211-233.
Holland, R. W., Aarts, H., & Langendam, D. (2006). On the power of implementation intentions: breaking and creating habits on the working floor. Journal of Experimental Social Psychology, 42, 776-783.
Kahneman, D., & Tversky, A. (1979). Prospect theory: An analysis of decision und risk. Econometrica, 47, 263-291.
Sheeran, P., Aarts, H., Custers, R., Rivis, A., Webb, T., Cooke, R. (2005). The goal-dependent automaticity of drinking habits. British Journal of Social Psychology, 44, 47-63.
Free Will and Consciousness
The topic of free will has been a central issue since the beginning of philosophy: How do rational agents exercise control over one’s actions and decisions.
In “the precise of the illusion of conscious will” (2004), Daniel M. Wegner explores the idea of apparent mental causation. He argues that if a thought arises just before an action takes place, if it is consistent with the action and the exclusive salient cause of the action, we will regard ourselves as the agent of the behaviour.
Libet (1985) showed in his experiment that conscious perception of reality lives about half a second in the past. He concluded that we could not have free will, since our brain already comes into action, before we have consciously engaged in the idea. He offered however, as some kind of last hope, the veto right of the free will. The same effect has also been found by Cunningham et al. (2001). In a computer game, similar to space invaders, participants had to use a computer mouse with a half second delay. When the delay was removed, the participants reported that the hand moved before they had consciously made that decision.
So does free will exist? If we live in the past and we falsely attribute behaviour to ourselves that we had no influence of, how can we propose that we are consciously in control of our behaviour? Is consciousness but an epiphenomenon?
I believe that these findings have to be interpreted very carefully. Although they offer intriguing hypothesis about how and why we act, we should not, in a hurry, remove consciousness from the picture. When lifting your finger, as done Libet’s experiment, the motor program running will be automatic, although the decision to do so might be conscious. But do participants really make their conscious choice a few milliseconds before the execution? I believe that they will execute the task in a mental simulation as soon as they are told what will be expected of them in this experiment. So the “causal decision” to execute the movement might be the activation of the action potential itself, not the conscious report of the decision to life the finger. The original decision to lift the finger at that time might have occurred much earlier. The ultimate decision to do so, by putting the body in such a state as to engage in this behaviour, was conscious.
I can only speculate how this mechanism actually could word, but in the computer world there is something called “cronjob”. This is an automatic program that is set to run at a specific time. Its much like always taking your medication at a specific time in order not to forget it. After a while you will remember it automatically at the given time. Thus consciousness might be able to implement such timed processes. If you think about consciousness pulling the string in the background, the half-second delay of the perception does not pose a huge problem. It does however, if free will necessarily requires consciousness to be online “in realtime” to make decisions.
In the computer experiment of Cunningham et al., involving the mouse delay, it is important to plan ahead because the participants know that they will have to cope with a delay. They ordered an action before it actually took place. They did so consciously and also successfully. We might just have adjusted to that specific delay between action and perception very well, because it feels natural to us. As long as consciousness can rely on automatic processes to carry out the proper motor behaviour, it does not need control in real time. Nørretranders (1999) also believes that speed is an important issue; he believes that “ Things that need to happen quickly happen subconsciously.”. Because adjustments of motor behaviour do not require conscious thought, they are not subject to the 500 ms delay.
Backdating perceptions might rather have other practical implications, for example to enhance structuring the environment in meaningful ways. The results of Wegner’s study can be interpreted in this way. Although Wegner’s studies show that our attribution of agency to action can be fooled, It might rather be the case that perception is fooled. I am not convinced that this requires the necessary conclusion that we do not have free will. As seen with the mouse delay, the “natural perception delay” can be altered. In the patient with clinical condition this alteration might include all senses and be persistent. I therefore conclude that consciousness is not an epiphenomenon, but an integral part in the selection of behaviour.
References
Libet, B. (1985). Unconscious cerebral initiative and the role of conscious will in voluntary
action. Behavioral and brain sciences 8:44, 529-566.Nørretranders, T. (1999). The User Illusion, Penguin.
Wegner, M. (2004). Précis of The illusion of conscious will. Behavioral and brain sciences, 27, 1-11.
The Whorfian Hypothesis: Language and Thought
Where are all the Eskimos gone?
The question of language and though and its reciprocal influence has been discussed countless times. It goes back all the way to the Greeks and probably even further. In the last 30s of last century the businessman and linguist Benjamin Whorf postulated what would be know as the Whorfian-Hypothesis. His hypothesis can be split into a strong version, called linguistic determinism and a somewhat weaker version called linguistic relativism. Linguistic determinism states that our thinking and behaviour causally depends on the structure of our language. Linguistic relativism postulates a relationship between language and thought, but rejects the idea that this relationship necessarily needs to be causal.
Today most scientists, believe that the strong version of the Whorfian hypothesis, as well as the opposite, the claim that language has no influence on thought, is wrong. Even stronger, the theory is thought to be non-scientific, because of circular reasoning, as Steven Pinker (1994). points out in his book The Language Instinct: “Eskimos speak differently so they must think differently. How do we know that they think differently? Just listen to the way they speak!”. In the 1960s, when Noam Chomsky’s work on universal grammar became popular, most scientists turned away from the Whorfian hypothesis, but advances in the field of cognitive psychology in the early 90’s sparked renewed interest. Since then an important shift has occurred in this field of research, as more basic cognitive processes such as spatial orientation and memory have been put on the agenda of the researchers. I am now going to present several pieces of empirical evidence in favour of linguistic relativism.
Memory
Capacity in short-term memory is limited. It therefore makes sense to symbolise complicated constructs in the short term memory and store the complete information of the construct concerned in long term memory (that is what language actually does). The influence of language might therefore for some part be mediated by memory. And indeed there is evidence that language influences information stored in memory. One interesting paradigm to test this are colour perception. Participants were presented with non-prototypical (turquoise) chips and, after a delay, had to pick the right one (Schooler, 1990). Participants that had been forced to label the colour as either blue or green performed worse on the retention task (in the direction of the forced label) than participants that had not labelled the colour of the chips. Interestingly the effect disappeared when participants where forced to use the label blue-green.
Spatial orientation
Whereas in most western languages the dimension of time is semantically situated on a horizontal plane, this is not the case for Chinese. In Chinese the dimension of time spans on a vertical plane and indeed Chinese participants in an experiment by Boroditsky (2001) were faster to confirm that April comes after March if they had previously been primed with a vertical array of objects. On the contrary, English participants were faster, when presented with a horizontal array of objects.
Categorization
Higher order categories seem to be consistent throughout different languages (at least when the objects at hand are equally used in both societies), but this is not the case with lower order categories. In an experiment by Ameel (2005) it was shown that in French and Dutch bilingual speakers (from Belgium, thus sharing one cultural background) the categories used to classify objects (bottles and dishes) shared features of both the naming-pattern used by French native speakers and by Dutch native speakers. The researchers therefore concluded that the classification of objects not only depended on the commonalties between the objects, but also on language-specific factors.
Self-perception
In a study by Kemmelmeier and Cheng, bilingual Students from Hong Kong filled in Singelis’s independent and interdependent self-construal scales in English as well as in Chinese. As hypothesised there was significant difference in the self-construal of the students between the two languages. Describing themselves in English, students attributed a more independent self-construal to themselves, whereas in Chinese their self-construal was more interdependent. Kemmelmeier and Cheng concluded that language can serve as a cognitive cue to prime or reinforce culturally normative self-construals. This is also supported by a lot of episodic evidence from people (including me – especially when talking and thinking French) feeling like a different person, when talking in a different language.
Conclusion
The renewed interest of science in the Whorfian-theory has generated many interesting research findings. New paradigms and techniques, as well as the fast-paced development of cognitive neuroscience, have opened new doors for the researchers. However there is still much room for new research and specification of old findings. Research between different languages is mostly cross-cultural research, inviting numberless alternative explanations. Because of that research findings will need to be replicated in designs using bilinguals as participants. Furthermore, as the research on language and memory has shown, we will need to specify which cognitive processes actually cause the influence of language on though and how these mechanisms work. At the end of this search we might even meet up with the lost Eskimos.
References
Ameel, E., Storms, G., Malt, B. C., & Sloman, S. A. (2005). How bilinguals solve the naming problem. Journal of Memory and Language, 53, 60–80.
Boroditsky, L. (2001). Does language shape thought? Mandarin and English speakers’ conceptions of time. Cognitive Psychology, 43, 1-22.
Kemmelmeier, M., Cheng, B. (2004). Language and Self-Construal Priming: A Replication and Extension in a Hong Kong Sample. Journal of Cross-Cultural Psychology, 35, 705-712.
Pinker, S. (1994). The Language Instinct. New York, US: William Morrow and Company.
Schooler, J. W., & Engstler-Schooler, T. Y. (1990). Verbal overshadowing of visual memories: Some things are better left unsaid. Cognitive Psychology, 22, 36-71.
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